Is it ethnonationalism that carries that, or some embedded ethics since medieval times? Certainly, when you ask people, people think religion means the Christian God and people say no to that question. But then if you start talking about other kinds of beings and spirits and agents, people get a little bit softer. Very few people today believe in Zeus, or if they do it might be a kind of joke or affectation. And this splitting our intuitions between these very firm loyalties and these very loose loyalties.
You can talk people into new gods at times. What accounts for that across societies, the ease of believing in additional gods? This may have given them a competitive advantage because then you go and you actually try to stomp out. Then you get people fully invested in the one Church and the one God. HENRICH: Our effort to test this is to go to places around the world where people believe in the Christian God but also maintain local gods, and then we look at their willingness to cheat in an experiment.
One of the ways we deal with this is we unconsciously prime them of either their local god or the big god. In the case of the local god, it usually makes them more pro their in-group, whereas priming the big god made them more fair towards out-group members, towards this larger circle of coreligionists. The idea is the one god is for building a big society and the other god is for galvanizing cooperation in this village. COWEN: Then if you have cultural evolution operating more quickly for larger units, that will be correlated with a more rapid pace of cultural evolution and carrying more positive things.
COWEN: There is in this account some positive external social benefit to a lot of forms of monotheism? What would be a prediction you would make about religion that you think a lot of other frameworks would not or could not make? The kind of obvious alternative is people believe in gods that reflect their society. It might be that people believe in bigger gods, but can they lead to greater cooperation or other kinds of prosocial benefits? Or not so much? The church is the first mover in that account.
HENRICH: When the church first began to spread its marriage-and-family program where it would dissolve all these complex kinship groups, it altered marriage.
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So it ended polygyny, it ended cousin marriage, which stopped the kind of. That actually starts in in Kent, Anglo-Saxon Kent. Missionaries then spread out into Holland and northern France and places like that. At least in terms of timing, the marriage-and-family program gets its start in southern England. Because during the Song dynasty a lot of economic historians feel, well, there might have been, could have been, should have been an industrial revolution. China ends up stagnating for a while.
How does that fit this picture? But if you start at say when China might have been wealthier per capita than France, you have a long period of decline, maybe two and half centuries for the most part, and yet so much of that remains intact at the level of individual family, that Chinese migration in terms of per capita incomes goes very well very quickly. HENRICH: There were still functioning markets, there was still a functioning state, there was still an economic system that was pretty complex, linked lots of different places.
Of course since the s China has been pushing exactly the same marriage-and-family program that the Catholic Church started pushing in in Europe, so they dissolved cousin marriage. They actually did the same thing as the church. First, they ended first-cousin marriage, and then a little later they ended second-cousin marriage, ended polygyny, all those kinds of things. This would be hard for any other state to do. The —. Are we special in some way? Part of the individualism thing is an obsession with the self and the attributes and individual achievements.
Americans are particularly obsessed with themselves. Is the correct inference that Mexico, as part of this larger network, will grow more rapidly than Brazil? So yeah, I think neighbors matter. How conservative are chimpanzees? How much is there chimpanzee culture in addition to their instincts?
They do some social learning; they learn a few tools. The key difference between other animals and humans is that human culture is cumulative.chinausinvest.org/modules/pirater/espionner-a-distance-sms.html
Jonathan Haidt: Religion, evolution, and the ecstasy of self-transcendence | TED Talk
This is all speculative, of course, but what in your opinion is that confluence of events that leads to this great filter: What are now human beings pass through it, but the other great apes basically do not? The key thing to understand the start-up problem is how humans went down the special trajectory. In the book, I make the case that when humans are on the savanna as bipedal apes, the predator guild was probably much larger. In the book, I make the case that Neanderthals were probably smarter than us.
Neanderthals are our cousins. They have larger brains than us. Neanderthals are 1, We should expect them be smarter than us.
We had larger groups because we were living in a climate that allowed us to have a larger collective brain. Then we move into Europe and exterminate the Neanderthals. As an anthropologist, what do you find strange about the tribe known as econ? I was very fortunate in my career to be a professor of psychology and a professor of economics at the same time but to be neither in some deep sense.
I would get to go back and forth from seminars in economics and psychology. Just on your first slide, someone will raise their hand. They watch your talk. You go through your whole PowerPoint. You probably touched a lot of different research projects. I mean, it was a great talk and this is just a very minor thing. COWEN: Now, what I would call narrative, or more subjective or interpretive anthropology, does that have a future in a world where everyone has access to audiences? People post anthropological accounts on the Internet every day. Some of them are quite wonderful. The world pays more attention to those on average than to the writings of narrative anthropologists.
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Is there some kind of disconnect here that the profession, due to tenure, is in one stage of its cultural evolution and the rest of culture already has moved somewhere else? But we should combine it with the full set of tools that the rest of the social sciences has to offer: behavioral experiments, biometric measures, fMRI, all these kinds of stuff.
Boyd and Richerson. We have a copy of that here. My undergraduate degree was aerospace engineering, or one of my undergraduate degrees. COWEN: [laughs] When you originally became an aerospace engineer, what was the thought in your mind for doing that and not anthropology or something else? When I was at the end of my undergraduate, I was trying to decide if I wanted to go to grad school in anthropology or study space propulsion. I took a job actually here in Northern Virginia, and thought about it for a while.
How intelligible do you think they will be to us? I think that seems like the most likely scenario. But I can test the theory up here in the real world, and then I go back to the history and move back and forth between those two. How were people living? What was the real political power of the chiefs? What were the missionaries really up to? Like, were they actually trying to ban cousin marriage and all the stuff that they purported to do in their letters back to the pope.
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However, people overextend these tendencies. In this way adaptive mental abilities could have led to religious beliefs. The first prerequisite, pattern seeking, has obvious benefits for finding food, avoiding predators, predicting weather, etc. We constantly observe the world, trying to derive cause-and-effect relationships. And we demonstrably overdo it: wearing lucky socks to every football game, telling fortunes from palm lines, and seeing the Virgin Mary on a grilled cheese.
The next prereq, inferring intentions, is known to psychologists as Theory of Mind ToM , the understanding that others have beliefs, desires and goals, influencing their actions. ToM allows us to have sophisticated social relationships and to predict how others will behave. Our closest primate relative, chimpanzees show some degree of ToM. Researchers have tested this by concealing food in plain view of some chimps, but out of sight of others.
Based on these experiments, chimps likely understand that others can be informed or uninformed about facts, like the location of food.
Humans, on the other hand, show extreme ToM, ascribing minds to inanimate or imagined things. The presence of single-celled organisms alongside complex organisms like humans testifies to the fact that evolution within a given lineage does not necessarily advance toward increasing complexity. When more complex organs are advantageous, complex organs have arisen. Single-celled organisms, however, fill many roles, or niches, much better than any multicellular organism could, and so they remain in a relatively stable state of adaptation.
If fish became amphibians through the process of evolution, then why do fish still exist? Fossil evidence clearly shows that amphibians descended from one group of ancient fishes whose thick, bony fins gradually evolved into limb-like appendages. Other species gave rise to the kinds of fish that inhabit oceans, lakes, and streams around the world today. Fish, like all living creatures, continue to evolve. This evolution is not toward a life on land, but instead toward successful use of the underwater environment.
In the Light of Evolution: Volume IV: The Human Condition.
There are countless ecological opportunities under water, which is why fish still exist. When the earliest ancestors of modern amphibians left the water, they found many new opportunities on land. As amphibians and other land creatures diversified, however, fewer and fewer opportunities existed for newcomers. Learn More Evolution of Diversity. It is possible that in many millions of years present day apes could evolve into some other humanlike species.
It is, however, very improbable.
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